Home Philosophy • Becoming War-Machines: Neoliberalism, Critical Politics and by Michael K. Middleton

Becoming War-Machines: Neoliberalism, Critical Politics and by Michael K. Middleton

By Michael K. Middleton

The results of part a century of intensified strategies of neoliberal
globalization announce themselves in becoming inequalities in prosperous facilities of worldwide
trade and in impoverished websites populated by means of exploited groups and assets.
Political upheavals, social marginalizations, and financial insecurities brought via
these mess ups in either the worldwide South and the worldwide North represent a tenuous
common floor among assorted collectivities of fight.
This dissertation takes this capability universal floor among disparate
communities marginalized via neoliberalism as a terrain on which to discover attainable
solidarities among those ‘singularities of struggle.’ It asks how neighborhood struggles waged via
communities within the international North and worldwide South contest and stay clear of the stipulations of
neoliberalism, and what types of political id, collective identifications, and
micropolitical energy are invented in those struggles.
To resolution those questions, Deleuze and Guattari’s “State-form” and “war-machine” are mobilized as severe instruments for conceptualizing how neoliberalism
universalist assumptions are manifested in singular occasions. specific recognition is
given to the universally-singular expressions of fabric poverty, differential inclusion,
and subordination wrought by means of neoliberal globalization, and the demanding situations those
conditions create for theorizing universal topoi of oppositional discourse, together with
identity, collectivity, and gear.

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Extra resources for Becoming War-Machines: Neoliberalism, Critical Politics and Singularities of Struggle

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A similar dynamic emerges among indigenous communities in the Chiapas. Following the overhaul of Mexico’s constitution in the early 1990s, and specifically Article 27 governing indigenous property rights, the Zapatistas encountered a similar lack of political agency. Vacated from access to the communal lands that provide the political bindings of the small communities of indigenous peasants who populate much of southeastern Chiapas, George Collier (2005) and Nicholas Higgins (2004) contend that the individuals who formed the Zapatista revolt had been so marginalized by traditional political channels, that by the time they emerged in 1992 their only path to rhetorical and political agency lay in declaring themselves outside the sovereignty of the state.

As the Zapatistas and homeless activists I study and learn from demonstrate, “sometimes the most globally significant movements are those that are most intensely grounded in local and regional concerns” because often, “‘global reach depends on local rootedness’” (Amster 2008, 222). With this in mind, I resist the urge to define the essence of broad-based, strategic oppositional programs for which Harvey longs. I believe that careful and creative readings of resistant strategies, aided by CDA and critical rhetoric, offer the opportunity to identify oppositional practices that are constitutive of these local communities of struggle and that suggest links between communication, power, and resistance common across a broad range of experiences with neoliberal globalization.

For Griffin, the rhetorical critic of social movements describes and analyzes the “pattern of public discussion, the configuration of discourse, and the physiognomy of persuasion, peculiar to a movement” (Griffin 2001, 6). ” What is more, movements in the historical perspective outlined by Griffin pursue in linear and rational fashion a three-stage evolutionary pattern from “inception” to “crisis” and, finally, “consummation” (2001, 6-7). In this view, social movements are identifiable phenomena with fixed characteristics.

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